It was fantasy time in Boston. While at the Democratic presidential convention, Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich was quoted as stating that he had "love in his heart" for his legislative nemesis, Illinois House Speaker Mike Madigan.

And Madigan, who also is the state Democratic Party chairman, when he finally arrived in Boston, was quoted as saying that the governor was "likeable, charming and a good family man." Blagojevich then retorted that he "missed" Madigan, having not seen him for a week, and that he had a "healthy personal relationship" with the speaker.

What a crock. These two guys despise each other. Madigan has been in the Illinois House for 34 years, and he has been speaker for 20 of them. Blagojevich was an obscure and ineffectual state representative for 4 years (1992 to 1996), and he then went to Washington as a congressman for 6 years (1996 to 2002). Now he's the governor, and Madigan resents and detests him -- a fact confirmed by various state legislators.

Madigan views Blagojevich as an interloper, a plastic, superficial, publicity-hungry politician who lucked into his job and who is just passing through Springfield on his way to greater glory, presumably a run for the presidency at some later date. In a recent WGN-Radio interview, Madigan disparaged Blagojevich as having "difficulty with the facts . . . he will say things that just are not correct." That's why Madigan insisted on having the governor sign so-called "memorandums of understanding" during the budget negotiations. The speaker has learned that the governor's word today is worthless tomorrow unless he gets it in writing.

The governor, however, views Madigan as the perfect foil, given his perceived pomposity and arrogance. The governor's campaign strategists are convinced that as long as Madigan remains speaker, Blagojevich's 2006 re-nomination and re-election are assured. There are two reasons for that supposition.

First, because Madigan's opposition to Blagojevich's borrow-and-spend budget policies allows him to be attacked as some sort of antiquated, unprogressive, nonliberal "closet Republican." Advocates of fiscal sanity do not thrive in the Democratic Party. Already, the governor's ally, Senate President Emil Jones, has accused Madigan of "abandoning" Democratic values and has suggested that Madigan would be quite comfortable attending the Republican presidential convention in New York. Blagojevich repeatedly has emphasized that he is the "new way" in Illinois politics and that Madigan is the "old way."

And second, because Blagojevich's polling has indicated that Illinois voters are highly resistant to electing Madigan's daughter, state Attorney General Lisa Madigan, as governor as long as Mike Madigan remains speaker. That would be too much concentration of too much power in the hands of two Madigans. Anecdotal evidence confirms that conclusion. Mayor Rich Daley is very hesitant to run his brother, Cook County Commissioner John Daley, for County Board president. The slogan "Two Too Many Daleys" likely would sink John Daley's candidacy and hurt the mayor's credibility when he runs.

So the Machiavellian strategy of Blagojevich's chief brain trusters, deputy governor Brad Tusk and chief of staff Lon Monk, has been to so irritate and antagonize Madigan that he will run for re-election to the House in 2004 (which he is) and seek yet another term as speaker in 2005 (which he surely will do). The Democrats will keep their 66-52 House majority in 2004, perhaps losing a seat or two, and that means Madigan will be speaker in 2006. And that's exactly what the Blagojevich people want. Madigan has long been known as the "Sly Fox" of Illinois politics. But, in the last 2 years, he has been totally out-foxed by Blagojevich.

If Lisa Madigan challenges Blagojevich in the 2006 Democratic primary, then the governor, instead of having to defend his record, can devote all his energy and resources to attacking the "Madigan Clan," endlessly hammering on the "Two Too Many Madigans" theme. And if Madigan, recognizing her untenable situation, opts not to run for governor in 2006, then Blagojevich will coast to an easy re-nomination, as no other credible, well funded alternative will file against him.

To be sure, there is great disgruntlement among Democratic functionaries throughout Illinois about the Blagojevich Administration. The governor's father-in-law, Chicago Alderman Dick Mell (33rd), repeatedly promised during the 2002 campaign that "his kid," if elected, would open the spigot of state patronage. That hasn't happened. The state workforce has shrunk to under 60,000, due to early retirements and normal attrition; under Governor George Ryan, it was over 72,000. Due to the state's budget crunch, there have been no new hires, so all those anticipated state jobs for Democrats have not materialized, and a lot of Democratic county chairmen and ward and township committeemen are now disinclined to exert much energy to help Blagojevich win another term in 2006.

But the Republicans may come to Blagojevich's rescue. A bitter and divisive 2006 primary is looming, pitting the Republican moderates, led by state Treasurer Judy Baar Topinka, against the conservatives, who have not yet coalesced behind a champion. Both state Senator Steve Rauschenberger (R-22) of Elgin and former state senator Pat O'Malley of Palos Park are eager to run. Rauschenberger ran for U.S. senator in the 2004 primary, finishing third with 125,069 votes (19.6 percent). O'Malley ran for governor in the 2002 primary, finishing second with 260,860 votes (28.4 percent). If both run, then Topinka is assured the nomination, as they will split the conservative vote.

The Republican nominee will face a vicious, negative campaign. If it's Topinka, who will be age 62 in 2006, she will be blasted by the more youthful, vigorous Blagojevich, who will be age 49 that year, as part of the "old way." If it's O'Malley or Rauschenberger, the governor will try to isolate them as "extremists."

To date, the governor's 2006 re-election campaign is proceeding magnificently.

In a related matter, U.S. Representative Bill Lipinski (D-3) is busily arranging his succession. While Mike Madigan does not have an "exit strategy" designed to elevate his daughter to the governorship, the congressman has such a strategy designed to anoint his son, Dan, as his replacement.

Under Illinois law, the State Board of Elections must certify all names on the ballot by Aug. 26. However, should any nominee resign his nomination between Aug. 27 and Oct. 18, then the local party committee in the district has 8 days from the date of resignation to pick a replacement. After Oct. 18, a name cannot be removed from the ballot.

Lipinski, age 66, has served in Washington since 1983. He has gotten a spate of negative publicity over the past 2 years, including allegations that the $217,000 he collected from a sportswear company violated the cap on congressional earnings. Lipinski said that the money was "royalties" dating back to 1989 that, if averaged over the past 15 years, kept him beneath the cap.

Dan Lipinski is a professor of political science at the University of Tennessee, but he has maintained his voting residence at his parents' Chicago home. The 3rd District includes Chicago's 13th Ward (where Madigan is Democratic committeeman), 11th Ward (where John Daley is committeeman), 19th Ward and 23rd Ward (where Lipinski is committeeman) wards, plus southwest suburban Berwyn, Riverside, Stickney, LaGrange, Western Springs, Bridgeview, Oak Lawn and Palos Hills, which encompass parts of Worth and Palos townships and all of Lyons, Stickney and Berwyn townships.

Both local and national Democratic sources want Lipinski to stick around for another term, especially since, if the Democrats win a House majority, he would become chairman of the Transportation Subcommittee of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee -- a powerful post from which he could direct billions of dollars to Chicago-area projects.

But Lipinski realizes that, if he wants to pass the job to his son, it has to be now. According to sources, Lipinski has lined up the backing of Madigan and all the suburban committeemen for his son, giving him a weighted-vote majority. Daley reportedly is behind his alderman, Jim Balcer, if any congressional vacancy arises, and the 19th Ward's choice is state Representative Kevin Joyce.

So Lipinski can resign his congressional nomination (but not his House seat) some time between now and Oct. 18, convene a meeting of Democratic committeemen in the 3rd District, and have his son named as his replacement. He would then win the seat easily in November. That would give Dan Lipinski 2 years to entrench himself, because he will certainly have a tough primary challenge from Balcer and others in 2006. If the congressman stays put and resigns in 2005 or 2006, Dan Lipinski's chances of keeping the seat diminish greatly.

Unlike Mike Madigan, who has no intention of leaving, Bill Lipinski's exit strategy will assure the success of his progeny.