This
analysis is about political timing. It's about the
calculated happenstance of being in the right
place at the right time. It's about the
perceptivity to run for Congress in the right year
in the right district.
Democrat
Dan Seals, who is challenging Republican U.S.
Representative Mark Kirk in the North Shore 10th
District, unquestionably is running in the right
year, with Barack Obama atop the Democratic ticket
and voters inclined toward some amorphous
"change." But Seals, who like Obama is
of mixed racial background, may be running in the
wrong district. There may be too many Republicans
there.
Kirk
was an early and enthusiastic supporter of John
McCain, who will run well in the district.
Democrat John Kerry beat George Bush in the
district in 2004 with 51 percent of the vote. If
McCain amasses 46 to 48 percent of the 10th
District vote, Kirk will win, as a McCain vote is
a Kirk vote. But if Obama tops 55 percent, Seals
will win; at least 90 percent of the Obama vote
will go to Seals.
Kirk
won in 2004 by a 78,275-vote margin, with 64
percent of the vote, running almost 90,000 votes
ahead of Bush. In the anti-Bush year of 2006, Kirk
beat Seals by just 13,651 votes, with 53 percent
of the vote, after spending $3.5 million to Seals'
$1.7 million. Seals' spending for this election
will equal Kirk's, as he is a top Democratic
priority.
Kirk
is a social liberal, supporting abortion rights,
gay rights and gun control. That reflects majority
opinion in the district.
But he also is a fiscal conservative and an
Iraq War supporter. Seals wants to get out of Iraq
now. Seals is trying to make the race a referendum
on Bush and Iraq, and he is tying Kirk (and
McCain) to the president. Kirk notes his
differences with Bush and the "progress"
in Iraq.
The
outlook: Make Kirk the narrow favorite.
Democrat
Debbie DeFrancesco Halvorson, who is seeking the
open Will County-based seat of retiring U.S.
Representative Jerry Weller (R-11), already has
proven herself a dunce. Halvorson, a state
senator, is the chamber's Democratic majority
leader. With the recent retirement of Senate
President Emil Jones, Halvorson would be a lock to
move into the top spot. As a woman, no fellow
Democratic state senator would have been so
politically incorrect as to challenge her.
But,
enticed by entreaties by U.S. House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi and by Emily's List and other liberal
groups, Halvorson chose to run for Congress. If
she wins, she will be a junior member of the
House. She can't participate in the jockeying to
succeed Jones, and she faces a big-spending
Republican, concrete construction owner Martin
Ozinga, who already has loaned himself $500,000
and who has raised another $310,000.
And
because the Illinois Senate's Democrats have been
a bulwark of support for the monumentally
unpopular Governor Rod Blagojevich, Republicans
are tying that albatross around Halvorson's neck.
With Blagojevich's popularity hovering around 13
percent, according to the latest polls, being a
Blagojevich backer is politically fatal. Halvorson
has $916,000 in her campaign account.
The
vote to replace Jones will occur in January, but
Halvorson is effectively isolated: She can't line
up support now, as that would be an admission that
she could lose the congressional race, and if she
does lose in November it will be too late and she
will be too tarnished.
Halvorson
could have been one of the "Four Tops"
and a powerful player in Springfield for many
years. Instead, at best, she'll be a junior
congresswoman; at worst, she'll be a has-been
state senator, as she'll lose her majority
leader's job in the frantic dealing to win Jones'
post.
The
outlook: Halvorson is attempting to make the
congressional election a referendum on Bush, and
Ozinga is trying to make it a referendum on
Blagojevich. Neither will succeed. Ozinga has many
shortcomings, so the only way Halvorson can win is
to go negative on her opponent. Republicans will
be going negative on her. The outlook: Whoever has
the least negatives by Nov. 4 will win. Give a
slight edge to Ozinga.
For
Democrat Jill Morgenthaler, who is challenging
first-term incumbent Peter Roskam (R-6) in the
west suburban 6th District, the question is this:
If the much-hyped Tammy Duckworth couldn't beat
Roskam in 2006, then how will the utterly unknown
Morgenthaler do so in 2008? The answer: She won't.
She's running in the wrong year.
In
2006 Duckworth spent $4.5 million, to Roskam's
$3.3 million, and lost. Bush won the district in
2004 by 17,674 votes (with 53 percent of the vote)
-- not an overwhelming margin. But Roskam managed
to squeak by in 2006, when Henry Hyde retired, by
4,801 votes (with 51 percent of the vote).
The
outlook: Roskam is a staunch conservative, and
some of his votes (see adjoining chart)
could cause him problems. But Morgenthaler, a
30-year Army veteran who was Blagojevich's deputy
chief for public safety, lacks the necessary
resources. Roskam will win with 56 percent of the
vote.
For
Northwest Side Democratic incumbent Rahm Emanuel
(D-5), serendipity seems to be the epitome of his
career, which reads like a fairytale: He was a
chief fund-raiser and senior advisor for Rich
Daley in his 1989 mayoral campaign; he was a
strategist in Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential
campaign and then an assistant to the president
during both terms; he then became an investment
banker and made millions; and in 2002 he ran for
Congress in the Northwest Side 5th U.S. House
District, had support from the mayor and his
organization, and won the primary over liberal
Nancy Kaszak by 11,058 votes, getting 50.5 percent
of the vote.
Emanuel
became the chairman of the Democratic
Congressional Campaign Committee in 2005, and is
widely credited for 31-seat Democratic gain in
2006 which gave his party the House majority for
the first time in 12 years.
As
a reward, Emanuel was made the House's Democratic
Caucus chairman, the number three post in
leadership, behind Speaker Pelosi and House
Majority Leader Steny Hoyer. That means he's in
line to be speaker. Pelosi, of California, is age
68, and Hoyer, of Maryland, is age 69. If Pelosi
retires in 2010 or 2012, Hoyer will take her
place. If the Democrats retain their House
majority for the next three Congresses and Pelosi
doesn't retire until 2014 or later, Hoyer will be
viewed as too old for the succession, and Emanuel,
age 48, will become the speaker (or the Democratic
leader).
There
is no doubt that Emanuel will be re-elected in
2008 -- and thereafter. It would be noteworthy if
a Chicago Jewish Democrat (Emanuel) were the
speaker while a Chicago black Democrat (Obama) was
the president, but it could happen.
In
the southwest suburban 3rd District, incumbent
Democrat Dan Lipinski has the right DNA. He's the
son of former (1983 to 2004) U.S. representative
Bill Lipinski, the 23rd Ward Democratic
committeeman and a longtime Daley supporter.
Lipinski decided to make son his successor -- as
Emil Jones is making his son his successor in the
Illinois Senate -- and the younger Lipinski got
the job in 2004 and was easily renominated in 2006
and 2008.
Lipinski,
age 42, is a social conservative, but he seems to
have fallen into line with the House's liberal
Democratic majority. He will win another term --
and probably many more.
In
the Hispanic-majority 4th District, incumbent
Democrat Luis Gutierrez, age 54, is champing at
the proverbial bit to run for Chicago mayor.
Gutierrez announced his retirement in 2005 but
then changed his mind and was re-elected in 2006.
To run for mayor, in 2011 or later, Gutierrez
needs to retain his base as a congressman.
In
the Northwest Side/Evanston/Skokie 9th District,
incumbent Jan Schakowsky's liberalism is no
impediment to her re-election. She won with 76
percent of the vote in 2006 and also with 76
percent in 2004. Schakowsky is one of eight chief
deputy whips, but she failed in her 2007 bid to
become the majority whip. She will never be
speaker.
Schakowsky's
current goal: To have Blagojevich appoint her as
senator replacing Obama if he becomes president.
Failing that, Schakowsky, age 64, will be a
congresswoman for life. The outlook: Blagojevich
will appoint Duckworth if Obama wins.