Among Democrats in Washington, chromosomes count.
As the party of so-called “diversity,”
Democrats have an unofficial leadership quota
system based on race and gender. That can’t
happen yet in the U.S. Senate, since there are too
few blacks and women. But it is a reality in the
U.S. House.
And this gives U.S. Representative Jan Schakowsky
(D-9), who represents a district encompassing the
north Chicago Lakefront, the near North Shore
suburbs, and parts of the Northwest Side, a
phenomenal opportunity to exploit her chromosomes.
Because she is a woman, a fervent liberal, and has
ties to the allies of House Democratic minority
leader Nancy Pelosi, Schakowsky could move into
the House’s Number Four Democratic leadership in
2007, as Democratic Caucus vice-chairman. And, if
Democrats take control of the House, and Pelosi
becomes speaker, Schakowsky could become Caucus
chairman.
Schakowsky, of Evanston, age 61, was first
nominated for the House in 1998, defeating two
male foes in a tough Democratic primary: Howie
Carroll, a 26-year state senator, with a base in
Chicago’s 50th Ward, and Jay Pritzker, an heir
to the Hyatt Hotel fortune. She astutely exploited
both her gender and her political base, getting 77
percent of the vote in her Evanston base, and
getting a decent vote elsewhere; she won because
her foes split her less liberal, Chicago-based
opposition. In a turnout of 69,662, Schakowsky got
45 percent of the vote, to Carroll’s 34 and
Pritzker’s 21. Had Pritzker not run, Carroll
would likely have won.
Schakowsky was then elected to the House in 1998
with 75 percent, and re-elected in 2000 with 76
percent, in 2002 with 70 percent, and in 2004 with
75 percent. The 9th District was reconfigured in
2001, eliminating portions of the 41st, 45th and
39th wards, and taking in Maine Township.
There is no doubt that Schakowsky, currently a
chief deputy minority whip, can and will be
re-elected in the 9th District in 2006, but her
rise to the top of the congressional heap can be
impeded by two developments. First, her husband,
Bob Creamer, is under federal indictment on
tax-evasion and bank fraud charges. It is alleged
that he failed to pay $300,000 in taxes, and that
he wrote $2.3 million in bad checks. Creamer, a
longtime political organizer and activist, was
executive director of Illinois Public Action Fund;
Schakowsky was a director of the Fund from 1976 to
1985. No allegation of wrongdoing has been lodged
against Schakowsky, but she may be called to
testify in Creamer’s trial, which is set for
September of this year. If Creamer is convicted,
that will be a dark cloud hovering over
Schakowsky’s ambitions.
And second, the 2006 race for Caucus vice-chairman
has been handicapped to be déjà vu all over:
namely -- a replication of Schakowsky’s 1998
primary win. Her foes include three men: New
York’s Joe Crowley (D-7), age 43, from Queens;
Connecticut’s John Larson (D-1), age 56, from
Hartford; and Texas’s Ruben Hinojosa (D-15), age
64, from the Lower Rio Grande Valley. That should
insure Schakowsky’s win, since they are dividing
the anti-Schakowsky vote. But geography may offset
Schakowsky’s gender and ideological advantage.
Larson, a moderate, is backed by most New England
congressmen, and by many southerners. Crowley, a
moderate-liberal, is backed by the New York
delegation, and by a lot of Californians; given
his youth, he’s a certainty to become speaker
some day if he’s in leadership. Hinojosa will
get support from the dwindling Texas delegation,
and from congressional Hispanics. The latest
public tally, among the Democrats’ 203 House
members, is 40 for Crowley, 38 for Schakowsky and
17 for Larson. That leaves 108 uncommitted
Democrats – and more if the party wins more
House seats. The election will be held subsequent
to the 2006 congressional election.
So who wins? The Democrats’ minority leader is
Nancy Pelosi, age 65, of San Francisco, a liberal;
the minority whip is Maryland’s Steny Hoyer, age
66, a moderate and a rival of Pelosi; the Caucus
chairman is New Jersey’s Bob Menendez, age 51, a
Cuban-American from Union City in Hudson County,
an ally of Hoyer; the Caucus vice-chairman is
South Carolina’s James Clyburn, age 64, a black
liberal. Menendez is expected to be appointed to
the U.S. Senate in 2006, opening his job for
Clyburn. The current leadership is composed of a
white woman, a white guy, a Hispanic guy, and a
black guy. So who replaces Menendez in the
hierarchy?
As the adjoining vote
chart indicates, Schakowsky’s voting record
is that from the Democratic wing of the Democratic
party. She opposed certifying Ohio’s electoral
votes for George Bush, backed a ban on college
military recruiters, opposed a bar on federal
courts’ ruling on the constitutionality of
“God” in the Pledge of Allegiance, opposed
out-of-state abortions for minors, opposed a
restriction on same-sex marriages, opposed making
permanent President Bush’s 2001 income tax rate
cuts, and opposed the repeal of the federal
inheritance tax. She’s in the Democratic
mainstream.
But,
in the Caucus race, neither Pelosi nor Hoyer are
endorsing, and several outspokenly feminist
congresswomen are backing Larson and/or Crowley.
Schakowsky, as chairwoman of Women’s LEAD, has
raised $1.3 million for the Democratic
Congressional Campaign Committee, and Crowley has
donated $905,500. For Schakowsky, the
December 2006 Caucus vice-chairman’s vote (or
that of chairman if Pelsoi is speaker) is a
make-or-break proposition. If Larson drops out of
the race and endorses Crowley, then Schakowsky’s
toast.
In
2006, either Schakowsky breaks onto the national
stage as part of the Democratic leadership, or she
permanently fades into the background as an
utterly irrelevant ultra-liberal Washington
player. But even if Schakowsky becomes Caucus
chair or vice-chair, given her age, it’s
unlikely that she would rise to become speaker in
the next ten years.
The adjoining vote chart also includes west
suburban Republican Henry Hyde (R-6), North Shore
Republican Mark Kirk (R-10), and McHenry County
Democrat Melissa Bean (D-8), as well as Chicago
Democrats Rahm Emanuel (D-5), Luis Gutierrez
(D-4), and Dan Lipinski (D-3).
Note that Kirk digresses from Hyde on issues like
abortion and stem cell research, while Lipinski
– much like his father, Bill Lipinski – is a
social conservative who votes like Hyde on those
issues. But even Emanuel, chairman of the
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee,
strays from Left Field occasionally, such as on
votes to cap attorney fees on federal class-action
lawsuits, and to impose fines on the broadcasting
of obscene or profane material. And Gutierrez, a
liberal, deviated once, and voted to impose
restrictions on gifts to Cubans.
Hyde is retiring in 2006, and Bean faces a
difficult race for a second term. But the other
five incumbents should be easily re-elected.