U.S. Senator Peter Fitzgerald (R-Ill) gets very little respect from
his colleagues in Washington, and from Republican politicians back in
Illinois. But that doesn’t bother him. He is detested by Illinois’
senior senator, Democrat Dick Durbin, and that feeling is mutual.
Fitzgerald is not a team player, and his propensity
to say what he thinks and vote how he likes
has clearly made him a senatorial outsider. Democrats are convinced that
it also makes Fitzgerald a one-termer, and a flock of wannabe senators are
eyeing his seat.
But many of Fitzgerald’s problems will be cured if he wins in
2004. Tradition has long dictated that a senator has not proven his
political mettle until he or she wins a second term. Being prickly,
obstreperous, irreverent and/or self-righteous didn’t undermine the
reputations of such Lone Wolf senators as Jesse Helms (R-NC), John McCain
(R-AZ), or Russ Feingold (D-WI). But there is a reason: Feingold is in his
second term, McCain his third, and Helms his fifth. As such, they’re
respected by their colleagues, and their irritating behavior tolerated.
Fitzgerald’s adamant opposition to expanding O’Hare Airport, a
plan supported by many of his Senate colleagues, and by Durbin, is the
most flagrant example of his single-mindedness. Fitzgerald promised in the
1998 campaign that he would oppose any runway expansion or
reconfiguration, and he has kept his word. But he is maligned by Durbin,
and by much of the news media, for being obstinate and not acceding to
“reality” – which means O’Hare expansion.
Fitzgerald also bucked his fellow Illinoisan, U.S. House Speaker
Dennis Hastert, as well as Governor George Ryan, in blocking the
appointment of one of Ryan’s political cronies to run the Lincoln Museum
in Springfield. Fitzgerald thought that Ryan’s pal would make the museum
a haven for political patronage.
It was also Fitzgerald who took charge of
controlling federal patronage in Illinois after the onset of the Bush
Presidency, refusing to share that much-sought prerogative with Hastert.
Fitzgerald picked a New Yorker, Patrick Fitzgerald (no relation), to be
U.S. Attorney, and he has been an outstanding prosecutor, pursuing the
licenses-for-bribes scandal with zeal.
Fitzgerald’s voting record has been generally conservative, but
with some significant deviations, particularly on environmental issues. As
detailed in the adjoining vote chart,
Fitzgerald joined Durbin in opposing oil drilling in Alaska’s Arctic
National Wildlife Reserve, to require electricity producers to use more
“renewable” resources, and to use more ethanol in gasoline. Unlike
Durbin, Fitzgerald consistently opposed any hikes in farm subsidies, and
backed cutting those subsidies by $1.9 billion. Fitzgerald broke with the
Republicans on the issue of patients’ rights, opposing the Republican
bill (see chart), and supporting the Democratic bill; this did not win him
any brownie points with Senate Minority Leader Trent Lott. But Fitzgerald
backed vouchers for private schools, and voted for Republican tax-cut and
spending-cap bills.
Both Durbin and Fitzgerald opposed increasing senators’ pay by
$4,900. But, according to a June Roll-Call newspaper article, which
reviewed the financial reports of all senators, Fitzgerald had a net worth
of $25.3 million – so he really didn’t need the money. In his 1998
race, Fitzgerald raised and spent $17.7 million to defeat incumbent Carol
Moseley-Braun by 98,545 votes; of that sum, over $11.5 million came from
Fitzgerald himself, or from his family. Moseley-Braun spent $7.2 million.
For 2004, Fitzgerald fervently hopes that Moseley-Braun tries for a
comeback. Having lost as an incumbent, and having the same baggage she had
six years ago, she would surely lose again. Other potential contenders
include U.S. Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-9), State Senator Barack
Obama (D-13), State Comptroller Dan Hynes, Cook County Treasurer Maria
Pappas, former Chicago Board of Education president Gery Chico, and
wealthy investment banker Blair Hull. If Moseley-Braun runs, she would
likely win the primary; against Hynes or Pappas, Fitzgerald would have
huge problems, and would have to tap into his fortune again.
Durbin is seeking his second term in November, and is opposed by
Jim Durkin, a Republican state representative from Westchester. Durbin is
a predictably liberal vote on almost every issue, opposing Republican tax-
and spending-cuts, and supporting every spending bill and subsidy in
sight; he is also consistently pro-choice on abortion, and supports gay
rights. Durbin had a couple of off-the-wall votes (see vote chart): he
opposed a bill to deny federal funding to school districts that
black-balled the Boy Scouts, due to their refusal to allow gay
scoutmasters; he also backed a needle-exchange program for heroin addicts
in Washington, D.C., and “domestic partner” health insurance coverage
for gays.
Durbin has already raised over $4 million, and Durkin less than
$900,000. Durbin won in 1996 because he painted his foe, Al Salvi, as an
“extreme” conservative. Durbin will win again in 2002 because Durkin
will not have the money to paint Durbin as an “extreme” liberal.