Make
no mistake about it: The Republicans are on the
verge of eradication, if not extinction. If they
don't want to suffer the fate of the Federalists
or Whigs, who vanished in the 1800s, their
solution is simple: Lose the 2008 presidential
election.
Let
the country repudiate, and then forget, the Bush
Administration.
In
fact, the 2008 contest is really about future
failure, not future "change." Given the
intractable situation in Iraq, coupled with a
worsening economy -- especially $4-a-gallon
gasoline, inflation and the collapse of the real
estate market -- the next president confronts a
world of woe and likely failure. It will be
"Jimmy Carter, Part Two."
To
be sure, Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and John
McCain want to win in 2008, but that winner will
be a loser in 2012. The 2008 outcome will either
reaffirm the country's two-party system or
precipitate a transitional non-party system and
future political realignment.
American
presidents throughout history can be categorized
as transformational, transitional or transient.
Among the transformational, who prompted and
presided over a major national political and
ideological realignment, were Thomas Jefferson
(who was elected in 1800), Andrew Jackson (1828),
Abraham Lincoln (1860), Franklin Roosevelt (1932)
and Ronald Reagan (1980). In those elections,
their minority party surged into the majority.
A
transitional president occupies the White House at
the culmination of his party's decline, often
facilitating it. That includes John Adams (elected
in 1796,) John Quincy Adams (1824), James Buchanan
(1856), Herbert Hoover (1928) and Jimmy Carter
(1976).
As
for transient presidents, they simply occupy the
office during a period of their party's ascendancy
or as a temporary aberration.
If
McCain wins, he'll be a transitional figure,
presiding over the eradication of the Republican
Party and precipitating a generation of Democratic
dominance. If Obama wins, he'll also be
transitional, destroying the existing Democratic
coalition and precipitating an anti-Obama
Republican resurgence. If Clinton wins, she'll be
a transient figure, governing like her husband
Bill and keeping the Democratic coalition intact,
but enraging and motivating conservatives.
From
a Republican perspective, the best scenario is
that Obama gets elected president, governs as a
liberal, pulls U.S. troops out of Iraq, fumbles
some foreign crises, fails to cure the economy,
and is a one-termer. The estrangement of Hispanics
and white working-class Democrats from Obama,
coupled with the takeover of the Democratic party
by blacks and white liberals, would ensure a
Republican win in 2012. Plus, Republicans would
rebound in the 2010 congressional elections.
From
a Democratic perspective, the best scenario is
that McCain gets elected president, keeps U.S.
troops in Iraq, fails to cure the economy and is a
one-termer. Democrats would keep control of
Congress in 2008, rack up huge majorities in 2010,
and sweep to an overwhelming victory in 2012.
Since
state legislatures elected in 2010 will redistrict
congressional boundaries for the 2012 election and
the next decade, a Democratic sweep that year
would reduce Republicans to nuisance levels
thereafter. The Democratic U.S. House majority
could exceed 350. With a discredited McCain in the
White House, a Democrat would win in 2012 -- but
not necessarily the 2008 Democratic loser.
But
from a realistic perspective, a McCain win would
prompt the collapse of the two-party system. Why
should any future Democratic presidential
contender raise and spend $150 million and slog
through the primaries? Why not run for president
as an independent?
If
Obama is nominated but loses to McCain, his
supporters will blame white "racists" in
general, and the Clintons in particular. If Obama
is not nominated, he will blame the
"bitter" guns and God crowd. Whatever
the outcome, he definitely will run again in 2012.
If
Clinton is nominated but loses to McCain, her
supporters will blame blacks and white liberals
for not embracing her candidacy, and Obama for not
motivating them. Obama's backers will counter that
she "stole" the nomination, ran a
negative primary campaign, and didn't deserve to
be elected. If Clinton loses the Democratic
nomination to Obama, her presidential dreams are
finished, but if she wins the nomination and loses
the election, she certainly would try again in
2012.
And
that's where it gets interesting. Why run for
president as a Democrat when it is possible to get
on the ballot as an independent? Since it does not
require a majority to be elected president, and
since both Obama and Clinton have broad support,
why not run for president on a third-party ballot?
For
Obama, that's a win/win situation. If he loses in
the fall, "black rage" will be epidemic,
and it will be directed primarily at conservative
white Democrats. Given his black/liberal base,
there's no doubt that he could get the signatures
to secure a ballot line in every state. In a
multi-candidate race, Obama would be favored.
The
Republicans' fundamental problem is that the
country is growing ever more liberal on cultural
issues, while the Republican message of a strong
national defense, limited government and tax cuts
has grown irrelevant. The Bush Administration is
seen as incompetent on economic and military
matters, and Republicans are viewed in urban areas
as intolerant (anti-gay rights, anti-abortion) or
just plain wrong (pro-gun rights) on cultural
matters.
In
the past two presidential contests, the country
was evenly divided, with 40 to 45 percent of the
electorate embracing cultural conservatism and the
Republicans, an equal number embracing cultural
liberalism and the Democrats, and with the
unaffiliated balance, 10 to 15 percent,
categorized as "floaters," providing the
winning margin. Those floaters swung heavily
against the Republicans in 2006, and they should
do likewise in November.
Throughout
U.S. history, presidential incompetence and
unpopularity have resulted in party withering, but
not implosion. After the Great Depression caused
Hoover's demise in 1932, the Democrats kept the
White House for 20 years. After the inept Carter
lost in 1980, Republicans reigned for 12 years.
The
difference this year is twofold. First, while the
Democrats are divided along economic, racial and
cultural lines, they are united by their intense
dislike of Bush. All Democrats want
"change," but for Obama supporters, that
change is a utopian vision of peace, harmony and a
generous welfare state. For Clinton supporters,
that change is personal, consisting of economic
relief, a job and survival.
Obama
supporters would never even consider backing
McCain; they just wouldn't vote. Some Clinton
supporters, especially Asians and Hispanics, would
vote for McCain, but against every other
Republican.
And
second, there is no overriding issue (such as
slavery or an economic depression) to polarize the
country and prompt Republicans to abandon their
party. The general fatigue with Bush and Iraq has
propelled the floaters to the Democrats, and that
should suppress the 2008 Republican presidential
vote to 45 percent or less.
But
Clinton backers' hostility toward Obama, based on
his race and philosophy, is palpable. The
presumption has been that McCain will lose the
Rust Belt industrial states and California to any
Democrat. If 2004 Bush states Colorado, New
Mexico, Ohio and Nevada flip to the Democrats in
2008, the Democratic candidate wins, but if
Clinton backers in California, Pennsylvania, Ohio,
New Jersey and Michigan defect to McCain, then
Obama loses one or more of those states, and the
presidency.
In
fact, it may be California, the home state of U.S.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, that puts McCain in
the White House. California's black population is
just 6 percent, while the Hispanics are 32 percent
of the population and account for 21 percent of
the voters. In the 2008 Democratic primary,
Clinton won 68 percent of the Hispanic vote and 65
percent of the vote among age Hispanics age 18 to
29. If half of those Hispanic voters opt for
McCain, it would mean a 2 to 3 percent diminution
in the customary Democratic vote. John Kerry beat
Bush by 1,235,659 votes (with 54 percent of the
votes cast) in 2004, and Al Gore beat Bush by
1,293,774 votes (with 53 percent of the vote) in
2000. Hispanics will be a fifth (2.5 million) of a
potential 2008 turnout of 12.5 million. Against
Obama, McCain has a chance to win California, and
if he takes the state, he's president.
The
bottom line: In any capitalist political system,
there are ideological parties -- one more
conservative and one more liberal. Those who are
triumphant capture the floaters. There also is an
ebb and flow; parties are not ascendant
perpetually. America is moving left, but when it
becomes too liberal, there will be a reaction, and
conservatives will take over.
Yet
a Republican collapse and disappearance would not
mean a one-party system. The Democrats would then
split into liberal and conservative factions, and
the ebb and flow would continue. The 2008 election
will be a transformational election.