Judicial
candidate Jim McGing decided, prior to the March
16 Democratic primary, that "judicial
restraint" is the type of temperament best
exercised by a judge both before and after an
election.
However,
McGing, the director of operations at Cook County
Jail and the slated candidate for the Fleming
vacancy in the Northwest Side 10th Circuit Court
Subcircuit, won't be a judge. He had the support
of every Democratic ward committeeman, but his
principal opponent was the well known Aurie
Pucinski, and he lost to Pucinski by 1,277 votes.
Never
in the brief history of subcircuits, which were
created for the 1992 election and which were
supposed to ensure racial diversity, has a
candidate of Pucinski's stature sought a
subcircuit judgeship. Normally, subcircuit winners
are lawyers who are prominent in their community
or prominent contributors to the political party
which is dominant in that area.
Pucinski
was the clerk of the Cook County Circuit Court for
12 years. She ran for Cook County Board president
in 1994 and 1998, and she is the daughter of the
late Roman Pucinski, the much revered former
Northwest Side congressman (1959 to 1972) and 41st
Ward alderman (1973 to 1991).
The
Pucinski surname is universally known, but that
barely counterbalanced Pucinski's mountain of
political baggage, and she nearly lost. In a
turnout of 41,908, Pucinski got 16,064 votes (38.3
percent), to McGing's 14,787 (35.3 percent), with
the balance of 11,057 (26.4 percent) going to
Carolyn Quinn, who was appointed to the bench to
fill Judge Susan Fleming's 10th Subcircuit
vacancy.
Now,
with the luxury of hindsight, a number of anti-Pucinski
politicians are wondering why McGing was so
"restrained" in his campaign, and why he
didn't launch a blisteringly negative assault on
Pucinski. McGing spent more than $70,000. He had
three districtwide mailings, including a
biographical piece, an endorsement by the police
and firefighter unions, and a comparative/attack
piece highlighting the fact that 10 Democratic
committeemen endorsed him (and none Pucinski),
that the Illinois State Bar Association found
Pucinski "unqualified" (and McGing
"qualified"), and asserting that
"many . . . are upset with Pucinski for
switching to the Republican party."
Omitted
from McGing's campaign arsenal was any allegation
that the acerbic and combative Pucinski might lack
judicial temperament. Or that Pucinski's switch
from Democrat to Republican and then back to
Democrat to run in 2004 might smack of, at worst,
opportunism or, at best, poor judgment. Or that
Pucinski, despite her years in public office,
lacked the rudimentary courtroom experience
necessary to be a competent judge.
"She
shouldn't be a judge," complained one
Northwest Side Democratic politician. "And
she shouldn't have won the primary. I just don't
understand why he didn't attack her."
Before
the primary, there was much consternation among
area political strategists and observers as to the
dynamics of the Pucinski-McGing-Quinn race. Would
having two women run help McGing? Would having two
Irish surnames help Pucinski? In the end, it came
down to who did best in their political base:
McGing's
base was both geographic and organizational. He
relied on the ward committeemen in the western
portion of the district, and he carried his home
41st Ward with 3,706 votes (47.6 percent), to
Pucinski's 2,874 (36.9 percent) and Quinn's 1,209
(15.5 percent). In the 45th Ward, McGing got 3,568
votes (41.8 percent), to Pucinski's 3,300 (38.7
percent) and Quinn's 1,666 (19.5 percent). McGing
lost the 39th Ward 2,275-1,804 to Pucinski, with
Quinn getting 1,771.
Outside
his base, even with party support, McGing did
poorly. In the Maine Township precincts (Park
Ridge and part of Des Plaines), Pucinski topped
McGing 3,213-1,686, with Quinn at 1,947. McGing's
1,527-vote suburban loss to Pucinski, even though
he was endorsed by Niles Mayor Nick Blase and the
current and former township committeemen, was
fatal. There was simply no suburban precinct
activity on his behalf. McGing made a serious
mistake in relying on the local Democratic
organization.
In
the 47th Ward to the east, where McGing was
endorsed by Alderman Gene Schulter and where
Schulter's organization worked relatively hard for
him, Quinn finished first.
Pucinski's
base was with older ethnic voters, especially
women, and particularly with Polish voters. She
ran a shoestring campaign, and she had only one
districtwide mailing, but she ran sufficiently
well in the western wards to negate McGing's
organizational edge. Ultimately, Pucinski's name
identification gave her a third of the vote, and
she won just enough more to eke out a victory.
Quinn's
base was both geographic and ideological, and she
arguably ran the best campaign. A former resident
of Lakeview, she moved into Ravenswood in the 47th
Ward just days before state Supreme Court Justice
Mary Ann McMorrow, for whom Quinn was once a law
clerk, appointed her to the Fleming vacancy in
December 2003. Quinn is closely tied to the
Lakefront liberal community, and especially to
U.S. Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-9). Her
campaign office was in the basement of Alderman
Tom Tunney's (44th) storefront office. Quinn's
public backers were the cream of the Lakefront
liberal establishment, and her six districtwide
mailings all prominently featured Schakowsky.
Quinn
also targeted her mailings well, directing them to
receptive -- meaning "liberal" --
households, with a heavy emphasis on single women
and residents with Jewish surnames. Quinn spent
more than $75,000, and she almost pulled off a
major upset. She carried her adopted 47th Ward
2,907-2,560 over McGing, with Pucinski third with
2,242. She got more votes than McGing in the few
precincts in the Lakefront-area 50th, 48th, 46th
and 32nd wards, and she got more votes than McGing
in Maine Township. It would be accurate to say
that much of the Barack Obama vote in the 10th
Subcircuit found its way to Quinn.
Could
McGing have won if he had gone negative on
Pucinski? Probably not. Most of the Pucinski-hating
committeemen, like Tom Lyons (45th), were for
McGing anyway. His party-switching attack piece
was a dud, and he failed to disseminate any anti-Pucinski
testimonial piece, with lawyers or retired judges
criticizing Pucinski for her alleged lack of a
judicial temperament.
A
switch of just 650 Pucinski voters to McGing would
have given him the victory, but an anti-Pucinski
attack could have switched some eastern McGing
voters to Quinn.
Some
local politicians are convinced that McGing's 2004
loss is but a prelude to a 2006 win. McGing, a
longtime political associate of Sheriff Mike
Sheahan, narrowly lost a 1992 bid (by 3,111 votes)
for state senator to Republican incumbent Wally
Dudycz, and he came even closer this year. The
presumption is that the party "owes him"
for taking on, and nearly winning, two very tough
races.
But
there is a contrary view -- that Quinn's very
formidable 2004 campaign will prompt her to run
again in 2006. At this early date, it is
impossible to project how Pucinski's 38.3 percent
of the vote would disperse in a McGing-Quinn race.
Of
course, there will be no 2006 judicial opening
unless the Illinois Supreme Court decides to
create a 10th Subcircuit vacancy.
From
1992 to 2002, nine judges (all Democrats) have
been elected in the 10th Subcircuit; of that
number, six were party-endorsed candidates.
Fleming was elected in 1992 (beating the endorsed
contender), and she won retention in 1998. Fleming
is the first of those nine not to seek another
6-year term. So, in 2004, the 10th Subcircuit had
two judgeships available, Fleming's and a new
"A" vacancy.
In
the "A" race, where turnout was 37,885
(about 4,000 less than in the Fleming race),
party-endorsed Clare McWilliams won with 35.8
percent of the vote, almost the same percentage
(35.3) with which McGing lost. McWilliams also ran
poorly in the suburbs, getting just 1,450 votes.
Running second was Peggy Chiampis with 11,253
votes (29.7 percent), to Bonnie Kennedy's 7,778
(20.5 percent) and Jim Snyder's 5,280 (14
percent).
The
"A" race was a typical subcircuit race:
None of the candidates was well known, and the
Democratic organization's support put McWilliams
over the top. But Chiampis, Kennedy and Snyder
will certainly try again in the future.
In
fact, expect two 10th Subcircuit openings in 2006:
The Illinois Judicial Inquiry Board Judge is
investigating an allegation that Francis
Golniewicz, first elected in 1994 and retained in
2000, falsified his residency when he ran in 1994,
using his parents' address in the 10th Subcircuit
but actually living in Riverside. It is doubtful
that Golniewicz will seek retention in 2006; if he
resigns, McGing could be appointed to his vacancy.
The
early outlook: If it's just one seat, a tumultuous
McGing-Quinn will battle will occur. But if it's
two seats, expect McGing and Quinn to file in
separate races, and expect both to win.