Being a Chicago alderman is sort of like being a Chicago Cubs fan. But instead of the perpetual refrain of waiting for next year, the city's aldermen are waiting for the next mayoral administration -- because they're still firmly under the thumb of the Daley Administration.

Chicago, in actuality, has a weak mayor/strong council system. The mayor appoints the department commissioners who control hiring, formulate policy and allocate services, but the City Council controls the budget, authorizes funding for every department, sets the salary for every employee, and approves all bond issues. That should make the aldermen dominant.

Rich Daley, however, is the unchallenged boss of City Hall not because he has institutional power, but rather because 26 or more of the council's 50 aldermen either cannot or will not unify and exercise their own institutional power. The "Vrdolyak 29" asserted their authority during Harold Washington's first term (1983-87), and the so-called "Grey Wolves" did it during Martin Kennelly's tenure (1947-55). The aldermen ruled because they, not the mayor, controlled the city budget.

If one were to coin a phrase for the current City Council, it might be the "Joe Moore 10," or perhaps the "Dorothy Tillman 10," and the pro-Daley majority might be tabbed as the "Snoozing Opossums" or the "Meek 40."

When Richard J. Daley won the mayoralty in 1955, he understood how to consolidate his power: First, control the hiring process. Then, control those hired. Then dispatch and concentrate those city job holders in certain wards to ensure the election of compliant aldermen. Then order those aldermen to support the mayor's budget, which controlled spending on all ward projects. Then use those dollars to control all the aldermen.

Like his father, Richard M. Daley understands and implements that methodology. Since his election in 1989, the City Council has been docile and neutered, as it was from 1955 to 1976.

Dick Simpson, a University of Illinois professor and a former 44th Ward alderman, thinks otherwise. He has released a seriously flawed study that heralds a "newly found" council independence. Citing resolutions on such nongermane matters as the Iraq War, slave reparations and the Patriot Act, the Simpson study mixes the symbolic votes with the substantive. "We're the Chicago City Council, not the Council on Foreign Relations," said Alderman Tom Allen (38th). "It is not our job to make foreign policy."

Alderman Brian Doherty (41st) voiced similar sentiments on the reparations issue. "What happened 200 years ago, in another part of the country, is not relevant to Chicago today," Doherty said. "It is not a matter properly before the City Council."

To be sure, there were many substantive council votes in the past 5 years, and there was some dissonance. But there has been no revolt. Black aldermen, led by Toni Preckwinkle (4th), have been trying for years to mandate an "affordable housing" set-aside in all new city construction, which would require lower rents or lower sale prices for some of the new units. Daley and the white aldermen resisted the idea, and killed it. Organized labor has been adamantly opposed to allowing Wal-Mart into Chicago, and the council approved zoning for a Wal-Mart in the 37th Ward, but not in the 21st Ward. The smoking ban in restaurants, bars and public places stirred controversy, as did an attempt to instruct the city corporation counsel to cease efforts to vacate the Shakman Decree, which outlawed patronage, but more typical were routine budget votes, such as the $5.1 billion 2005 budget which contained increases in the city's sales, cigarette, hotel, liquor, theater and natural gas taxes. Also, the aldermen increased their salary from $85,000 to $98,125 annually.

The aldermen cooperate with the mayor because the mayor cooperates with them. He lets them pick their ward sanitation superintendent. He guarantees adequate city services. He spreads capital improvements equitably throughout the city. So why should any alderman risk the status quo, and likely re-election, by becoming a Daley foe?

On the Northwest Side, as can be discerned from the adjoining vote chart, there are two kinds of aldermen: Daley supporters and slavish Daley supporters. All 12 area aldermen supported the mayor's 2005 budget, but only Doherty opposed the tax hikes. All the aldermen present except Rey Colon (35th) opposed the resolution to end the city's Shakman appeal. All the aldermen present opposed affordable housing set-asides. All but Doherty, Gene Schulter (47th) and Pat Levar (45th) supported the pay hike. All present except Doherty supported the smoking ban. All supported broadening gang loitering restrictions and raising taxi fares.

Alderman Dorothy Tillman (3rd), a champion of slavery reparations, claimed that Lehman Brothers, which was chosen to underwrite $1.5 billion in city bonds for O'Hare Airport expansion, was "involved in the slave trade." In a vote to disqualify, all Northwest Siders present, with the exception of Colon, voted to retain Lehman Brothers. On Wal-Mart, the division was geographical: Aldermen from the minority and gentrifying areas -- Ariel Reboyras (30th), Ted Matlak (32nd), Dick Mell (33rd) and Berny Stone (50th) -- along with Doherty, a Republican, voted for the zoning change. Those voting pro-Labor were Colon, Bill Banks (36th), Allen, Marge Laurino (39th), Pat O'Connor (40th), Levar and Schulter.

But on "foreign policy," the Northwest Siders were all over the lot -- and showed their true liberal and conservative colors.

Reboyras, Mell, Colon, O'Connor, Schulter and Stone cast a symbolic vote to mandate the withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Iraq. Matlak, Banks, Laurino and Doherty opposed a precipitate withdrawal. Allen and Levar were absent. "I took a walk," Allen said. "The vote was ridiculous."

On the resolution seeking the termination of the U.S. Patriot Act, which Alderman Leslie Hairston (5th) incredibly compared to "Hitler's takeover of the German government," Allen stayed sitting, and he, Levar and Doherty supported the act. Reboyras, Mell, Colon, O'Connor and Stone voted against renewal. Banks and Matlak voted "present," and Laurino and Schulter were absent.

All aldermen face the voters in 2007, and their voting record is fair game. A couple of votes could be silver bullets -- like the 2005 tax hikes, the aldermanic pay hike and the Shakman Decree vote, which could be construed as supporting "business as usual" in city government. The foreign policy votes are laughably irrelevant.

Stone and Mell are expected to retire in 2007. Matlak and Levar expect tough competition. All other incumbents will win easily, and they won't suffer if an anti-Daley wave erupts. But if Daley is no longer mayor, expect the aldermanic opossum to morph itself into a wolf.  Click to view NORTHWEST SIDE ALDERMANIC VOTE CHART (2000-2005).