Political
candidates are not unlike automotive tires: There
are retreads, non-treads and worn treads. The key
criteria are extended use and whether the
candidate still has traction.
Here
are unwritten political rules regarding repeat
candidacies:
First,
a candidate was expected to lose and who narrowly
loses, but who performed better than expected,
gets a second chance. He or she is a viable
retread.
Second,
a candidate was expected to win but who loses is a
non-tread. The rubber is off the tire. There is no
second chance. He or she is no longer credible.
Third,
a candidate who loses respectably but then runs
for a different office of lesser magnitude is a
worn tread. They get another chance.
Here's
a look at some shopworn 2010 candidates, and whose
tread is still getting traction:
Governor
(Republican): Jim Ryan's residual claim to fame is
that he lost the 2002 Illinois gubernatorial
election to Rod Blagojevich. From a historical
perspective, being thrashed by Illinois' first
impeached governor is about as humiliating as the
Chicago Bears losing the Super Bowl to the Dallas
Cowboys cheerleaders.
To
be sure, a lot of Illinoisans regret not voting
for Ryan instead of Blagojevich, much as they
regret not voting for Democrat Glenn Poshard in
1998 instead of George Ryan. The question is: Will
they expiate their guilt and seek atonement by
voting for Ryan in 2010? Don't count on it.
After
8 years as state attorney general, and after
successfully battling cancer, the well known and
well respected Ryan should have won the
governorship in 2002. But the sins of George Ryan
were gurgling to the surface, and the slick,
superficial and wholly amoral Blagojevich ran as
the candidate of "change." Blagojevich
blasted Ryan for not investigating the governor,
for being part of the corrupt Springfield culture,
and for opposing abortion rights.
Ryan's
stiff, uninspiring demeanor and vacuous campaign
message was no match for Blagojevich's energy,
deal-making and demagoguery. After 26 years of
Republican rule, voters wanted a Democratic
governor. Blagojevich promised state jobs to
precinct captains, spent $25 million, and
prevailed by a solid 252,080-vote margin, getting
52.2 percent of the vote; he won 35 of Illinois'
102 counties and carried Cook County by 468,974
votes.
Ryan
won the Collar Counties by a weak 147,338-vote
margin and Downstate by just 69,556 votes. To win
statewide, a Republican needs to win the Collar
Counties by 250,000 votes and Downstate by 300,000
votes.
After
8 years in the political wilderness, a forgotten
and forlorn figure who elicits neither sympathy
nor voter regret, Ryan is again seeking the
governorship. How to characterize him? He's more
of a retread than a non-tread. He was the initial
frontrunner in 2002, but, given the George Ryan
scandals, his defeat was foreordained. Now,
incredibly, he is the frontrunner for the
Republicans' 2010 nomination.
According
to his rivals' internal polling, Ryan is leading
the field, amassing a consistent 25 percent
support against six contenders. Republican voters
know him and not the other candidates, and
"simple familiarity" may be enough to
get him nominated, one strategist said.
According
to Republican insiders, Ryan's nomination would
ensure the election of a Democrat as governor.
"We need to focus on the future, not the
past," said another Republican official.
"He is the past. He'd be a disaster."
The
"ABR" (Anybody But Ryan) Republican
primary field includes state Senators Kirk Dillard
and Bill Brady, DuPage County Board Chairman Bob
Schillerstrom, businessmen Andy McKenna and Andy
Andrzejewski, and publicist Dan Proft. McKenna
will spend at least $5 million on ads, Dillard has
former governor Jim Edgar's endorsement, and Brady
is relying on his Downstate base and ripping
"Chicago-style corruption" in
Springfield.
With
the Feb. 2 primary less than 2 months away, none
of the ABRs has broken out of the pack. Most have
been castigating Blagojevich-induced "pay to
play" corruption and Governor Pat Quinn's
incompetence while promising not to raise taxes --
and getting no traction. All are social
conservatives, and all support the death penalty.
So
what to do? Either find a defining issue or begin
blasting away at Ryan. As for the former,
term-limiting could be helpful. A candidate could
pledge to serve only one term, focus all effort on
solving the state's budget crisis, and forgo
campaigning and fund-raising. "A 24/7
governor, not a politician" -- that's the
theme.
If
successful, the governor could run for U.S.
senator in 2014 against Democrat Dick Durbin; if
unsuccessful, the governor wouldn't get reelected
anyway.
As
for the latter, Ryan has mountains of baggage.
During his 2002 campaign he received $500,000 in
contributions from Stuart Levine, his finance
chairman, who was convicted in 2006 of federal
fraud and money-laundering charges. Levine was
part of Blagojevich's "pay to play"
scheme, and he got pension investment deals for
Ryan contributors. Ryan professes ignorance of
Levine's machinations, noting only that they were
law school classmates and friends. In addition,
Ryan supports the moratorium on Illinois' death
penalty which was imposed by George Ryan.
And
then there's the Jeanine Nicarico case. As state's
attorney, Ryan prosecuted and then re-prosecuted
Rolando Cruz for the girl's murder, and got the
death penalty for Cruz. But the "DuPage
7" trials implicated four sheriff's officers
and three prosecutors in plotting to falsely
convict Cruz. Brian Dugan recently pleaded guilty
to the crime, Cruz has been released, and Ryan
apologized.
The
bottom line: Republicans desperately want to avoid
revisiting Levine, Cruz and George Ryan's
moratorium. But if they don't, Ryan could be
nominated. For every contender, it's a lose-lose
situation. Taking a shot at Ryan will run up his
negatives, and also the attacker's.
My
prediction: Ryan's DuPage County base is diluted
by three other DuPage contenders: Schillerstrom,
Dillard and Andrzejewski, and the
"liberal" vote in a Republican primary
barely exceeds 10 percent. In 2006 wealthy
businessman Ron Gidwitz, a social liberal, spent
more than $7 million, emphasized fiscal issues,
and got 80,068 votes, which was 10.1 percent of
the total cast.
Ryan's
support is squishy soft, dependent solely on
residual name identification, and it won't exceed
25 percent. But that's more than anybody else at
the moment. Unless Dillard, Brady or McKenna
breaks out of the pack very soon, Ryan will be
nominated.
Treasurer
(Republican): Dan Rutherford, a Pontiac state
senator, paid his dues by running for secretary of
state in 2006. He wasn't expected to win, was
squashed by Democrat Jesse White, and got only
33.1 percent of the vote. Rutherford is a worn
tread, not a retread. He's running for treasurer
in 2010, has cleared out the Republican primary,
and looms as the favorite to win the post.
Comptroller
(Republican): Like Jim Ryan, Judy Baar Topinka was
buried by Blagojevich's hypocritical rhetoric and
sleazy fund-raising. Illinois' treasurer for 12
years, Topinka endured a rough and financially
draining 2006 Republican primary for governor,
winning with 38.2 percent of the vote, and then
was subjected to a summer-long television
advertising onslaught which destroyed her
credibility. In the election, Topinka amassed
1,369,315 votes (39.3 percent of the total). That
was 225,645 votes fewer than Ryan's total in 2002.
Topinka
surely is a no-tread for governor, but she has
shifted to a bid for comptroller in 2010. In the
primary, she faces Jim Dodge and Bill Kelly. The
Democrats are David Miller and Raj Krishnamoorthi.
Being both well known and well worn, Topinka will
be returned to public office.
Maine
Township (Park Ridge, Des Plaines, Mount
Prospect): In this northwest suburban area, it
would be inaccurate to compare politicians to
tires. Some could be wheels, rims, wheel wells or
even lug nuts. Mark Thompson, the township's
embattled Republican committeeman, has sought
local office 10 times since 1981, winning five
times as a township official and twice as
committeeman, but he has lost twice for township
supervisor and in 2009 for Des Plaines mayor.
State
Representative Rosemary Mulligan (R-65), an
erstwhile Thompson ally, has filed to run for
Republican committeeman in 2010, and she will
trounce Thompson, but Thompson also is running for
county commissioner in the 17th District, which
stretches from Maine Township south to Orland
Park. The incumbent is Liz Gorman, who is a bitter
enemy of fellow Republican commissioner Tony
Peraica (R-16). Peraica is backing Thompson, as
are the Wheeling Township Republicans. A Thompson
upset is possible.
40th
House District: This column recently detailed
"Dumb Deb" Mell's escapades before the
Chicago Board of Elections. Deb Mell is the
daughter of Alderman Dick Mell (33rd), and
"Big Daddy" made her a state
representative in 2008. She moved in 2009 but
neglected to re-register to vote. Not to worry.
When
Joe Laiacona, her 2010 Democratic foe, objected to
her petitions, "Big Daddy's" election
lawyers argued that the Illinois Constitution
supercedes state law, meaning that qualifications
for holding the office (being a resident for 2
years) trump requirements for ballot access (being
a registered voter and a resident). "Dumb
Deb" will be going back to Springfield,
proving that candidates with the right DNA don't
need any tires.