As
goes the U.S. Senate, so goes the nation.
At
present, the Democrats have a 51-49 Senate
majority, but the Senate’s Republicans have been
able to delay, derail and/or decimate various
Democratic U.S. House-passed measures, and to
sustain vetoes by President George Bush. That will
change after 2008 election.
When
the 111th Congress convenes in 2009, it will be
the Senate’s minority that will be decimated.
Republicans are in a panic mode. Of the 34 Senate
seats up for election in 2008, 22 are held by
Republicans, and 12 by Democrats. Of the
Republican seats, four are open, with the
incumbent retiring, and another six to nine are
vulnerable. In 2009, Democrats could hold 60
seats.
There
is a definite correlation between Senate seats
held and presidential states won. In 2000, Bush
carried 29 states with 271 electoral votes; of
those 29 states, 16 elected a senator, and
Republicans won eleven. Of the 21 Al Gore states,
18 elected a senator, and Democrats won 14.
In
2004, Bush carried 31 states with 286 electoral
votes; of those 31 states, 22 elected a senator,
and Republicans won 17. Of the 19 John Kerry
states. 12 elected a senator, and Democrats won
ten.
In
short, the party of the prevailing presidential
candidate wins over 80 percent of the U.S. Senate
seats in the states carried.
In
2008, 34 senate seats are up for election – 22
Republicans and 12 Democrats. Of the Republicans,
four are from states won by Kerry in 2004: Gordon
Smith of Oregon, Norm Coleman of Minnesota, John
Sununu of New Hampshire, and Susan Collins of
Maine. Four more are retiring, and their seats
(Virginia, New Mexico, Nebraska and Colorado) now
lean Democratic. Two more – Ted Stevens of
Alaska and Larry Craig of Idaho – have ethics
problems. And, if an anti-Republican wave crests
in 2008, Republican incumbents in Kentucky and
North Carolina could lose.
Ironically,
Democrats are upbeat for 2008 at the same time
that the Democratic-controlled Congress suffers
massive voter disapproval. According to the
September Associated Press-Ipsos poll,
congressional approval is an anemic 22 percent,
fully nine points lower than the president’s.
Republicans optimistically cling to the
referendum/choice theory. In the past
half-century, when the incumbent is on the ballot
(1956, 1964, 1972, 1976, 1980, 1984, 1992, 1996,
2004), the outcome was a referendum on the
president, with Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter and
George Bush losing, respectively, in 1976, 1980
and 1992.
When
there is no incumbent running, the popularity –
or unpopularity – of the incumbent
administration is irrelevant. Instead, it’s a
choice. In 1960, 1968, 1988 and 2000, an incumbent
vice-president was running, and prevailed only in
1988. In 1960, Republican Dwight Eisenhower was
hugely popular, but voters wanted a change. In
1968, Democrat Lyndon Johnson and the Vietnam war
were hugely unpopular, but Richard Nixon barely
won. In 1988 and 2000, Ronald Reagan and Bill
Clinton were hugely popular, but it wasn’t
transferable: George Bush barely won, and Al Gore
lost.
In
each “choice” election, the strengths and/or
flaws of each candidate outweighed their party
label. In 1960, after a Democratic sweep in 1958,
Republicans made small congressional gains. In
1968, after a Republican sweep in 1966,
Republicans made modest gains. In 1988, after a
Democratic sweep in 1986, it was a congressional
standoff. And in 2000, after slight Republican
losses in 1998, Republicans suffered a few more
losses.
So
the respective party strategies for 2008 are
obvious: Democrats will fixate on the Bush
Administration, blaming all the country’s ills
on the Republicans, and hoisting the flag of
“change” – whatever that means. Republicans
will pray that, by November 2008, the Iraq War is
a non-issue, the economy is stable, and the
Democrats nominate a flawed presidential
candidate. Then they can cling to the premise of
“choice” – hoping that voters will reject
Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama.
Nevertheless,
due to both demographic and political trends, as
well as superior candidate recruitment, Democrats
will win anywhere from five to nine more senate
seats in 2008, putting them in range of the magic
60, which means they can end filibusters and force
votes. Like the country, the Senate is growing
bluer, as Republicans become ever more a regional
party, with a base in the South and West.
At
present, Republicans hold 21 of 28 seats in the 14
states of the South, which includes the 11 states
of the old Confederacy, plus Kentucky, West
Virginia and Oklahoma. The 2008 outlook: A
Democrat will win the seat of the retiring John
Warner (R) in Virginia, and a Republican will
defeat incumbent Mary Landrieu (D) in Louisiana,
where Hurricane Katrina wiped out a huge number of
Democratic voters in New Orleans.
In
the eleven Northeastern states, Democrats occupy
17 of 22 seats. The 2008 outlook: Democrats have
recruited former Governor Jeanne Shaheen and U.S.
Representative Tom Allen, respectively, in New
Hampshire and Maine. Both are favored to beat the
incumbent Republicans.
In
the 12 Midwestern states, Democrats hold 14 of 24
seats. The 2008 outlook: Comedian Al Franken (D)
looks weak against incumbent Coleman in Minnesota;
he may be too quirky to be credible. A Republican
– probably former Governor and current U.S.
Secretary of Agriculture Mike Johanns --will hold
the open Nebraska seat unless former Senator Bob
Kerrey (D) runs. If he does, it’s a toss-up.
In
the 13 Western states, Republicans hold 14 of 26
seats. The 2008 outlook: Republican retirements in
Colorado and New Mexico, states trending
Democratic, will result in the election of
Democratic senators. In Alaska, Ted Stevens (R),
senator since 1968, had his home recently raided
by the IRS and FBI, who are investigating whether
Stevens steered federal funding to a former
aide’s company. He looks beatable. And
Oregon’s Smith (R), despite his votes against
the Iraq troop buildup, could lose in an
anti-Republican trend.
Here’s
a look at key contests:
Louisiana:
The state’s population was 4.5 million in 2000,
with 1.35 million in the New Orleans metropolitan
area. An estimated 450,000 were displaced by
Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Some 100,000 have
returned, 200,000 remain elsewhere in the state,
and 150,000 have moved out-of-state. That’s bad
news for Landrieu, who won by 42,012 votes in
2002, and by 5,788 votes in 1996. Her base is New
Orleans, and many rural and upstate voters were
incensed by her nagging criticism of Bush after
the hurricane. A Republican will be elected
governor this year, replacing the inept Kathy
Blanco (D), who chose to retire. John Kennedy, the
Democrat-turned-Republican state treasurer, will
beat Landrieu in 2008.
Virginia: The exploding population in northern
Virginia’s suburbs around Washington, D.C. is
making the Old Dominion more hospitable to
Democrats. Republicans continue to run candidates
who stress their anti-tax, anti-abortion,
anti-gay, pro-gun stances – thereby turning off
moderate suburbanites. In 2006, Republican
Senator George Allen’s racial slur about Asian
Indians, coupled with his pro-Bush Iraq position,
resulted in a 5,719-vote loss to former Navy
Secretary Jim Webb, a Republican-turned-Democrat.
Webb ran on a bring-the-troops-home platform.
For
2008, Mark Warner, who was elected governor in
2001 by 96,943 votes, will be the Democratic
candidate. His base is northern Virginia, and he
is pro-gun and pro-abortion. As governor, he
raised taxes. The Republican candidates are Jim
Gilmore, a social conservative who was elected
governor in 1997 by 230,091 votes, and reduced
taxes; and U.S. Representative Tom Davis, a
moderate from northern Virginia. Warner has a big
early lead in the polls. A divisive Republican
primary will insure his victory.
New
Hampshire: Kerry won the state in 2004 by 9,274
votes, but Democrats swept every state office in
2006, ousting two Republican congressmen. There is
a clear liberal, anti-Iraq, anti-Bush trend.
Sununu beat Shaheen, then governor, in 2002 by
19,751 votes (51 percent). In the rematch, Shaheen
is leading Sununu by 20 points in the polls. If
Iraq is still an issue in 2008, Sununu will lose.
Maine:
Incumbent Collins is a liberal on social issues,
but being a Republican may be an insurmountable
burden in 2008. Witness the fate of Republican
Lincoln Chafee, with an anti-Bush record on
domestic and foreign policy issues, who lost his
Rhode Island seat in 2006. Democrat Allen, a
congressman since 1996, will likely win.
Colorado:
This marginal state seems to run on ten-year
cycles. It was Republican during the 1960s and
1990s, Democratic during the 1970s and 1980s, and
is now trending strongly Democratic, electing a
Democratic governor and legislature in 2006, and a
senator in 2004. Republican Wayne Allard is
retiring, and Mark Udall (D) and Bob Schaffer (R)
are the expected nominees. Udall is favored.
New
Mexico: Republican Pete Dominici is retiring after
36 years. If Democratic Governor Bill Richardson,
currently running for president, switches to the
senate race, he’ll win. If not, given state
trends, a Democrat will win the seat.