Political
power results from votes, not potential. That's
why, at least locally, "Hispanic political
power" is an oxymoron, and it does not yet
exist in Chicago and Illinois, even though it
exists elsewhere in the nation.
According
to the 2000 census, Hispanics are America's major
minority, as the U.S. Hispanic population nearly
doubled between 1990 and 2000, due to both
immigration and high birth rates. Nationwide,
Hispanics now number 37.6 million, while blacks
number 36.1 million. During that period, Hispanics
grew from 19.6 percent to 26 percent of the
population in Chicago, from 13.5 percent to 19.9
percent in Cook County and from 2.9 percent to
12.3 percent in the state.
The
expanding areas of Hispanic growth in Chicago are
Albany Park, Cragin and Logan Square on the
Northwest Side, South Lawndale on the West Side,
Archer Heights and West Lawn near Midway Airport
on the Southwest Side, and the area near Hegewisch
on the Far Southeast Side. In the Cook County
suburbs, Cicero, Melrose Park, Berwyn and Stone
Park have experienced explosive Hispanic
population growth, as have Aurora, Waukegan,
Elgin, Wood Dale, Addison and Bensenville in the
Collar Counties.
However,
according to a recent poll, the liberalism of
national Democrats is estranging them from
Hispanics on a cultural level, and, according to
attorney Frank Avila, the local Democratic Party,
including Mayor Rich Daley and the city political
establishment, "is not relating to
Hispanics" on a political level by
"failing to support Hispanics for major
political office."
Avila's
father, M. Frank Avila, is one of nine
Metropolitan Water Reclamation District
commissioners and the highest elected county
Hispanic. He ran for water district commissioner
three times and finally won in 2002, despite
opposition in each race by the county Democratic
organization. Frank Avila ran a close race for
water district commissioner in the 2004 Democratic
primary, and he is expected to run again in 2006.
He says that within a decade the Hispanic vote in
Chicago and the county suburbs will be a
"colossus," but that it may not be
overwhelmingly or even predictably Democratic, as
is the black vote.
Nevertheless,
Democratic politicians read numbers, and, to date,
the "Hispanic numbers" are somewhere
between puny and pathetic.
For
example, in the 2004 Democratic primary for U.S.
senator won by Barack Obama, attorney and former
Chicago school board president Gery Chico, who is
Hispanic, finished a dismal fifth, despite having
raised and spent more than $4 million. He got just
52,132 votes (4.3 percent) statewide, compared to
Obama's 642,305 (53.2 percent). In the seven
Chicago wards with Hispanic majorities and
Hispanic aldermen, Chico got 8,745 votes, while
Obama got 11,138, and in Cicero he got 1,198
votes, almost double Obama's 617. The clear
conclusion: Hispanics, when they vote, don't
necessarily vote for Hispanic candidates, and the
Hispanic vote is anemic.
In
the 2004 presidential election, Democrat John
Kerry got 80,400 votes in Chicago's Hispanic
wards, to George Bush's 20,593. Kerry also won
Cicero 9,707-5,093. However, of Kerry's 2,313,415
votes in Illinois, only slightly more than 125,000
of that number were supplied by Hispanic voters --
or about 5.4 percent.
Nationally,
exit polls indicated that Bush got about 44
percent of the Hispanic vote, up from 37 percent
in 2000. But while the president's Hispanic
support increased measurably in such states as
Texas, Florida and California, it remained flat in
Illinois, barely topping 25 percent.
However,
according to a survey of 600 registered Hispanic
voters in Cook County conducted from Nov. 20 to 22
by McCulloch Research and Polling, with a margin
of error of 3.8 percent, the Republicans have no
cause for gloom. On cultural and fiscal issues,
the respondents are notably conservative: 67.2
percent oppose gay marriage, 43.5 percent oppose
abortion in any circumstance (while 36.8 percent
support it), 57 percent back school vouchers that
would give a tax credit to parents who send their
children to private schools, 70 percent support
the death penalty for capital crimes, 49 percent
favor the Bush Administration's immigration plan
to allow "illegal aliens" to stay in
America for a limited period, and 60.2 percent
feel that their federal, state and county taxes
are "too high."
However,
on economic and defense issues, Hispanic
respondents are more liberal, with 70.8 percent
supporting an increase in the minimum wage (which
goes up to $6.50 per hour in 2005), 65.2 percent
backing government-paid, universal health care,
and 53.2 percent opposing the war in Iraq.
The
poll then sought opinions of various politicians,
categorizing the results into
favorable/unfavorable scores, with the remainder
being either "cannot rate" or "not
heard of."
When
rating non-Hispanic politicians, President Bush
had a 39.8/35.5 favorable/unfavorable score, and
only 30 percent of the respondents said they voted
for him. The most popular was Obama, with a
75.4/10.8 percent score, followed by Daley, with
60.5/26.4, and Lieutenant Governor Pat Quinn, with
50.8/20. Lagging behind were Governor Rod
Blagojevich, with 40.8/22.3, U.S. Senator Dick
Durbin, with 33/14, Cook County Board President
John Stroger, with 35/34, Republican state
Treasurer Judy Barr Topinka, with 39.3/17.3, and
Alderman Ed Burke, with 25.1/7.5.
The
most popular politician among respondents is
former city treasurer Miriam Santos, with a
59.1/23.9 score; she was unknown to only 6.2
percent of those polled. Santos, who is Puerto
Rican, was indicted by the U.S. Attorney's Office
in 1999 on 12 counts, including attempted
extortion, mail fraud and wire fraud, and then
quickly convicted and jailed. That conviction was
overturned on appeal, and Santos pleaded guilty to
one count of felony mail fraud, but now she is
trying to persuade the U.S. Department of Justice
to vacate that plea, allegedly because certain
exculpatory information was not admitted at the
initial trial. Hispanics obviously view her
sympathetically, and she could be a formidable
political force in the future if she is
vindicated.
A
close second in popularity, but with the greatest
name recognition, is U.S. Representative Luis
Gutierrez, with a score of 52.5/37.3; he was
unknown to only 2 percent of respondents.
Gutierrez, who is Puerto Rican, is a former
alderman, a strong ally of Daley, and a potential
mayoral candidate when Daley retires. However, he
is an outspoken liberal on cultural and economic
issues, and his high negatives reflect his
unpopularity among many Hispanics, particularly
Mexican Americans. Chico had a 19.3/6.3 score, was
unknown to 19.2 percent, and could not be rated by
55.2 percent -- a clear indication that his
campaign never connected with Hispanics . . . or
anybody else.
The
next tier is the "Avila Familia," padre
and hijo. M. Frank Avila, who is Mexican-American,
had a 41.3/7.2 score but was unknown to 30.7
percent and could not be rated by 20.8 percent.
Frank Avila, who has hosted a cable television
show for many years, had a 38.9/11.8 score but was
unknown to 27.2 percent and could not be rated by
22.2 percent. Longtime newspaper columnist Juan
Andrade had a 36.2/19.1 score and was unknown to
23.3 percent.
Next
was a group with some level of recognition. Board
of Review commissioner Joe Berrios, the 35th Ward
Democratic committeeman, had a 23.4/7.8 score and
was unknown to 64.7 percent. Cook County
Commissioner Joseph Mario Moreno, who lost two
races for Cicero town president and who is poised
to run against Stroger for County Board president
in the 2006 Democratic primary, had a 12.7/8.7
score and was unknown to 49.5 percent. State
Senator Miguel del Valle had a 12.3/7.7 score and
was unknown to 44.8 percent. Alderman Manny
Flores, seen as a future Hispanic leader, had a
22.5/4.2 score and was unknown to 43.5 percent.
One
surprising result of the poll is the diminishing
esteem accorded the Hispanic Democratic
Organization, a political adjunct of the Daley
Administration. Founded a decade ago by attorney
Victor Reyes, a Daley insider and a former
director of the city intergovernmental affairs
office, and now run by city Department of Streets
and Sanitation commissioner Al Sanchez, the HDO
deploys Hispanic city workers into Hispanic areas
to work for Daley-backed Hispanic candidates.
But
now the HDO is enmeshed in the city's "Hired
Truck" scandal. Angelo Torres, a former
street gang member, ran the program, and he was
among the 14 people recently indicted by the U.S.
attorney on corruption and bribery charges. Torres
reportedly was sponsored for his job by the HDO,
and the trail of his alleged bribes has yet to be
determined. Will it lead back to the organization?
After all, it takes substantial funding to support
the HDO's far-flung precinct operations.
The
McCulloch poll found that 55.7 percent of
respondents are familiar with the HDO, that it has
a 16.9/51.5 favorable/unfavorable rating, and that
it has a 48.8/17.2 percent "less likely/more
likely" score in terms of voting for somebody
backed by the HDO.
Despite
an anemic vote base, Hispanic politicians are
already bestirring themselves: Santos and
Gutierrez are focusing on the 2007 Chicago mayoral
election, and Frank Avila and Moreno are set to
run in the 2006 Democratic primary. Also, Chicago
police officer Peter Garza, president of the
Hispanic Law Enforcement Association, is angling
for the Republican nomination for Cook County
sheriff.
(Next
week: A look at local Hispanic rivalries.)